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European
Council President Donald Tusk on Tuesday, last week sent the EU27 Member States
the draft Political Declaration setting out the Framework for the Future
Relationship between the EU and the UK that has been agreed at negotiators'
level and agreed in principle at political level, subject to the endorsement of
the Leaders.
Coreper (Art. 50) met last week to assess the document. Friday morning, the EU27 Sherpas met to finalise preparations for the special European Council (Art. 50) on Sunday where the EU agreed on May’s 585-page withdrawal agreement.
Here
are the main issues
After
524 days of negotiations, Theresa May and the EU’s other 27 heads of state and
government have agreed a deal to be put in front of the UK and European
parliaments for ratification ahead of Britain’s withdrawal on 29 March 2019.
There
is a 585-page withdrawal agreement, which will form the basis of a legally
binding treaty, and a 26-page political declaration on the future relationship.
The second document does not have legal force, but it politically binds both
sides to some basic parameters in the future talks.
Here
is what has been agreed in Brussels:
THE WITHDRAWAL AGREEMENT
The
three main issues dealt with in the withdrawal agreement are citizens rights,
the £39bn divorce deal and the problem of avoiding a border on the island of
Ireland after Brexit.
Citizens’
rights
The deal safeguards the rights for more than 3 million EU citizens in
the UK, and over 1 million UK nationals in EU countries to stay and continue
their current activities in the place in which they have made their home.
Theresa May had sought to limit the scope of the deal to those who arrived in
the UK before 29 March 2019, but she lost out. All those arriving to live in
the UK at any point up until the end of the transition period, which could last
until the end of 2022 should it be extended, will enjoy the rights that EU
nationals have today to make Britain their home, to live, work and study.
Divorce
bill
It had been feared that the UK’s exit bill could scupper the
negotiations. David Davis, the former Brexit secretary, told the European
commission president, Jean-Claude Juncker, early on in the talks that there was
nothing in the EU’s treaties to suggest that the British government owed any
money. Juncker responded that the EU was “not a golf club”, and that Britain
would have to come good on the spending commitments it made as a member state.
Huge figures circulated, with some totting up gross liabilities to be £100bn.
That prompted the then foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, to suggest Brussels
could “go
whistle” for its money. An agreement was finally made last November
that the UK would stump up about £39bn, to cover its contribution to the EU
budget until 2020, and accumulated other outstanding commitments such as
pensions for EU officials.
Irish
border
This has turned out to be the thorniest issue to settle in the Brexit
divorce agreement and still causes the most unhappiness among Theresa May’s
critics. The UK had initially proposed a technological solution but this was
rebuffed by Ireland and EU officials as “magical thinking”. The EU initially
proposed that Northern Ireland should in effect stay in the single market and
customs union, prompting a furious response from the British prime minister.
The EU moved its position. The core of the solution is the so-called backstop,
an insurance plan that kicks in if future trade talks fail to avoid a hard
border on the island of Ireland. The backstop means the whole of the UK will
remain in the EU customs union, while Northern Ireland will have to follow
single market rules. Brexit supporters loathe the backstop, fearing it will
leave the UK “shackled” to EU rules. Wary EU countries think the plan benefits
the UK, so insisted the UK respect EU social and environmental rules to to
avoid undercutting their companies.
The UK
came into the negotiations determined to get a weighty political declaration
that would easily translate into a full-blown trade deal ready to come into
force soon after Brexit day. The promise of the “easiest trade deal in history”
soon hit the buffers. The UK has agreed a joint paper of just 26 pages
outlining the parameters of the future relationship, with the two main pillars
being trade and security. The paper offers lots of ideas about what might
happen, but few concrete plans.
Trade
and the city
The prime minister’s central policy priority in terms of trade was to
secure a commitment to frictionless trade in goods through a common rulebook,
the centrepiece of the Chequers
plan. By stating that the UK and the EU would be “separate markets
and distinct legal orders” after Brexit, the political declaration demolished
it. British access to European markets will depend on the UK respecting EU
standards on competition, tax, environment, as well as social and employment
protection, but it is not clear whether that involves non-regression or dynamic
alignment. The political declaration says the shared customs territory in the
Northern Ireland backstop will be built on and improved in a future trade deal.
The UK, bafflingly, insists this does not bind the British government to a
customs union. Despite British demands for a bespoke deal on financial
services, the UK will be treated like any other non-EU country. Instead of
“passports” that allow the City of London to operate across the EU, bankers and
traders will have to rely on “equivalence”, allowing market access to be
withdrawn by Brussels at 30 days’ notice. There is a commitment to complete
equivalence assessments by the middle of June 2020.
Foreign
and security policy
The UK had hoped to not only maintain the current level of security and
police cooperation but to even opt in to aspects of the EU’s structures that it
had previously snubbed. That prompted Luxembourg’s prime minister, Xavier
Bettel, to remark: “They were in with a load of opt-outs. Now they are out, and
want a load of opt-ins.” The EU is only offering cooperation, rather than
membership, of EU police agency Europol and judicial cooperation agency
Eurojust. Despite its previous disdain for EU-level defence cooperation,
Britain has negotiated clauses that will allow it to participate in EU joint
defence projects. A major row during the Brexit negotiations was the European
commission’s insistence that the UK defence industries would not be allowed to
work on the most sensitive parts the EU’s £8bn Galileo satellite programme, to
which British taxpayers have already paid £1bn. The UK has threatened to walk
away and build its own satellite. The political declaration, in an example of
its many vague clauses, limits its solution to 10 words. “The parties should
consider appropriate arrangements for cooperation on space”, it says.
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